This video is from the UN Visual Library. It has been edited. This raises issues of corporate interests involved in public bodies who have vested interests not aligned with peace.
September 20, 1963: Address to the UN General Assembly
When you watch the video above you will notice it is different from the audio in the Audio and Transcript link. Watch carefully from 3.00 and you will notice that 3.02 mins the video jumps. When you compare this with the audio transcript it is evident the italicised audio content highlighted below has been removed. That has been done post speech as the audio in the link below shows it was intact. Not a technical error. I used to type audio transcripts. So, let’s examine what was removed as this is informative of how corruption works on a subtle level. Most won’t know that historical information has been edited.
AUDIO AND TRANSCRIPT
Transcript
Mr. President–as one who has taken some interest in the election of Presidents, I want to congratulate you on your election to this high office–Mr. Secretary General, delegates to the United Nations, ladies and gentlemen:
We meet again in the quest for peace.
Twenty-four months ago, when I last had the honor of addressing this body, the shadow of fear lay darkly across the world. The freedom of West Berlin was in immediate peril. Agreement on a neutral Laos seemed remote. The mandate of the United Nations in the Congo was under fire. The financial outlook for this organization was in doubt. Dag Hammarskjold was dead. The doctrine of troika was being pressed in his place, and atmospheric nuclear tests had been resumed by the Soviet Union.
Those were anxious days for mankind-and some men wondered aloud whether this organization could survive. But the 16th and 17th General Assemblies achieved not only survival but progress. Rising to its responsibility, the United Nations helped reduce the tensions and helped to hold back the darkness.
Today the clouds have lifted a little so that new rays of hope can break through. The pressures on West Berlin appear to be temporarily eased. Political unity in the Congo has been largely restored. A neutral coalition in Laos, while still in difficulty, is at least in being. The integrity of the United Nations Secretariat has been reaffirmed. A United Nations Decade of Development is under way. And, for the first time in 17 years of effort, a specific step has been taken to limit the nuclear arms race.
I refer, of course, to the treaty to ban nuclear tests in the atmosphere, outer space, and under water–concluded by the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States–and already signed by nearly 100 countries. It has been hailed by people the world over who are thankful to be free from the fears of nuclear fallout, and I am confident that on next Tuesday at 10:30 o’clock in the morning it will receive the overwhelming endorsement of the Senate of the United States.
The world has not escaped from the darkness. The long shadows of conflict and crisis envelop us still. But we meet today in an atmosphere of rising hope, and at a moment of comparative calm. My presence here today is not a sign of crisis, but of confidence. I am not here to report on a new threat to the peace or new signs of war. I have come to salute the United Nations and to show the support of the American people for your daily deliberations. For the value of this body’s
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work is not dependent on the existence of emergencies–nor can the winning of peace consist only of dramatic victories. Peace is a daily, a weekly, a monthly process, gradually changing opinions, slowly eroding old barriers, quietly building new structures. And however undramatic the pursuit of peace, that pursuit must go on.
Today we may have reached a pause in the cold war–but that is not a lasting peace. A test ban treaty is a milestone–but it is not the millennium. We have not been released from our obligations–we have been given an opportunity. And if we fail to make the most of this moment and this momentum-if we convert our new-found hopes and understandings into new walls and weapons of hostility–if this .pause in the cold war merely leads to its renewal and not to its end–then the indictment of posterity will rightly point its finger at us all. But if we can stretch this pause into a period of cooperation–if both sides can now gain new confidence and experience in concrete collaborations for peace–if we can now be as bold and farsighted in the control of deadly weapons as we have been in their creation-then surely this first small step can be the start of a long and fruitful journey.
The task of building the peace lies with the leaders of every nation, large and small. For the great powers have no monopoly on conflict or ambition. The cold war is not the only expression of tension in this world-and the nuclear race is not the only arms race. Even little wars are dangerous in a nuclear world. The long labor of peace is an undertaking for every nation–and in this effort none of us can remain unaligned. To this goal none can be uncommitted.
VIDEO CONTINUES…(3.04)
The reduction of global tension must not be an excuse for the narrow pursuit of self-interest. If the Soviet Union and the United States, with all of their global interests and clashing commitments of ideology, and with nuclear weapons still aimed at each other today, can find areas of common interest and agreement, then surely other nations can do the same–nations caught in regional conflicts, in racial issues, or in the death throes of old colonialism. Chronic disputes which divert precious resources from the needs of the people or drain the energies of both sides serve the interests of no one–and the badge of responsibility in the modern world is a willingness to seek peaceful solutions.
It is never too early to try; and it’s never too late to talk; and it’s high time that many disputes on the agenda of this Assembly were taken off the debating schedule and placed on the negotiating table.
The fact remains that the United States, as a major nuclear power, does have a special responsibility in the world. It is, in fact, a threefold responsibility–a responsibility to our own citizens; a responsibility to the people of the whole world who are affected by our decisions; and to the next generation of humanity. We believe the Soviet Union also has these special responsibilities–and that those responsibilities require our two nations to concentrate less on our differences and more on the means of resolving them peacefully. For too long both of us have increased our military budgets, our nuclear stockpiles, and our capacity to destroy all life on this hemisphere–human, animal, vegetable–without any corresponding increase in our security.
Our conflicts, to be sure, are real. Our concepts of the world are different. No service is performed by failing to make clear our disagreements. A central difference is the belief of the American people in self-determination for all people.
We believe that the people of Germany and Berlin must be free to reunite their capital and their country.
We believe that the people of Cuba must be free to secure the fruits of the revolution that have been betrayed from within and exploited from without.
In short, we believe that all the world–in Eastern Europe as well as Western, in Southern Africa as well as Northern, in old nations as well as new–that people must be free to choose their own future, without discrimination or dictation, without coercion or subversion.
These are the basic differences between the Soviet Union and the United States, and they cannot be concealed. So long as they exist, they set limits to agreement, and they forbid the relaxation of our vigilance. Our defense around the world will be maintained for the protection of freedom–and our determination to safeguard that freedom will measure up to any threat or challenge.
But I would say to the leaders of the Soviet Union, and to their people, that if either of our countries is to be fully secure, we need a much better weapon than the H-bomb–a weapon better than ballistic missiles or nuclear submarines–and that better weapon is peaceful cooperation.
We have, in recent years, agreed on a limited test ban treaty, on an emergency communications link between our capitals, on a statement of principles for disarmament, on an increase in cultural exchange, on cooperation in outer space, on the peaceful exploration of the Antarctic, and on tempering last year’s crisis over Cuba.
I believe, therefore, that the Soviet Union and the United States, together with their allies, can achieve further agreements-agreements which spring from our mutual interest in avoiding mutual destruction.
There can be no doubt about the agenda of further steps. We must continue to seek agreements on measures which prevent war by accident or miscalculation. We must continue to seek agreement on safeguards against surprise attack, including observation posts at key points. We must continue to seek agreement on further measures to curb the nuclear arms race, by controlling the transfer of nuclear weapons, converting fissionable materials to peaceful purposes, and banning underground testing, with adequate inspection and enforcement. We must continue to seek agreement on a freer flow of information and people from East to West and West to East.
We must continue to seek agreement, encouraged by yesterday’s affirmative response to this proposal by the Soviet Foreign Minister, on an arrangement to keep weapons of mass destruction out of outer space. Let us get our negotiators back to the negotiating table to work out a practicable arrangement to this end.
In these and other ways, let us move up the steep and difficult path toward comprehensive disarmament, securing mutual confidence through mutual verification, and building the institutions of peace as we dismantle the engines of war. We must not let failure to agree on all points delay agreements where agreement is possible. And we must not put forward proposals for propaganda purposes.
Finally, in a field where the United States and the Soviet Union have a special capacity-in the field of space–there is room for new cooperation, for further joint efforts in the regulation and exploration of space. I include among these possibilities a joint expedition to the moon. Space offers no problems of sovereignty; by resolution of this Assembly, the members of the United Nations have foresworn any claim to territorial rights in outer space or on celestial bodies, and declared that international law and the United Nations Charter will apply. Why, therefore, should man’s first flight to the moon be a matter of national competition? Why should the United States and the Soviet Union, in preparing for such expeditions, become involved in immense duplications of research, construction, and expenditure? Surely we should explore whether the scientists and astronauts of our two countries–indeed of all the world–cannot work together in the conquest of space, sending some day in this decade to the moon not the respresentatives of a single nation, but the representatives of all of our countries.
All these and other new steps toward peaceful cooperation may be possible. Most of them will require on our part full consultation with our allies–for their interests are as much involved as our own, and we will not make an agreement at their expense. Most of them will require long and careful negotiation. And most of them will require a new approach to the cold war–a desire not to “bury” one’s adversary, but to compete in a host of peaceful arenas, in ideas, in production, and ultimately in service to all mankind.
The contest will continue–the contest between those who see a monolithic world and those who believe in diversity–but it should be a contest in leadership and responsibility instead of destruction, a contest in achievement instead of intimidation. Speaking for the United States of America, I welcome such a contest. For we believe that truth is stronger than error–and that freedom is more enduring than coercion. And in the contest for a better life, all the world can be a winner.
The effort to improve the conditions of man, however, is not a task for the few. It is the task of all nations–acting alone, acting in groups, acting in the United Nations, for plague and pestilence, and plunder and pollution, the hazards of nature, and the hunger of children are the foes of every nation. The earth, the sea, and the air are the concern of every nation. And science, technology, and education can be the ally of every nation.
Never before has man had such capacity to control his own environment, to end thirst and hunger, to conquer poverty and disease, to banish illiteracy and massive human misery. We have the power to make this the best generation of mankind in the history of the world–or to make it the last.
The United States since the close of the war has sent over $100 billion worth of assistance to nations seeking economic viability. And 2 years ago this week we formed a Peace Corps to help interested nations meet the demand for trained manpower. Other industrialized nations whose economies were rebuilt not so long ago with some help from us are now in turn recognizing their responsibility to the less developed nations.
The provision of development assistance by individual nations must go on. But the United Nations also must play a larger role in helping bring to all men the fruits of modern science and industry. A United Nations conference on this subject he;d earlier this year at Geneva opened new vistas for the developing countries. Next year a United Nations Conference on Trade will consider the needs of these nations for new markets. And more than four-fifths of the entire United Nations system can be found today mobilizing the weapons of science and technology for the United Nations’ Decade of Development.
But more can be done.
–A world center for health communications under the World Health Organization could warn of epidemics and the adverse effects of certain drugs as well as transmit the results of new experiments and new discoveries.
–Regional research centers could advance our common medical knowledge and train new scientists and doctors for new nations.
–A global system of satellites could provide communication and weather information for all corners of the earth.
–A worldwide program of conservation could protect the forest and wild game preserves now in danger of extinction for all time, improve the marine harvest of food from our oceans, and prevent the contamination of air and water by industrial as well as nuclear pollution.
–And, finally, a worldwide program of farm productivity and food distribution, similar to our country’s “Food for Peace” program, could now give every child the food he needs.
But man does not live by bread alone-and the members of this organization are committed by the Charter to promote and respect human rights. Those rights are not respected when a Buddhist priest is driven from his pagoda, when a synagogue is shut down, when a Protestant church cannot open a mission, when a Cardinal is forced into hiding, or when a crowded church service is bombed. The United States of America is opposed to discrimination and persecution on grounds of race and religion anywhere in the world, including our own Nation. We are working to right the wrongs of our own country.
Through legislation and administrative action, through moral and legal commitment, this Government has launched a determined effort to rid our Nation of discrimination which has existed far too longin education, in housing, in transportation, in employment, in the civil service, in recreation, and in places of public accommodation. And therefore, in this or any other forum, we do not hesitate to condemn racial or religious injustice, whether committed or permitted by friend or foe.
I know that some of you have experienced discrimination in this country. But I ask you to believe me when I tell you that this is not the wish of most Americans–that we share your regret and resentment–and that we intend to end such practices for all time to come, not only for our visitors, but for our own citizens as well.
I hope that not only our Nation but all other multiracial societies will meet these standards of fairness and justice. We are opposed to apartheid and all forms of human oppression. We do not advocate the rights of black Africans in order to drive out white Africans. Our concern is the right of all men to equal protection under the law–and since human rights are indivisible, this body cannot stand aside when those rights are abused and neglected by any member state.
New efforts are needed if this Assembly’s Declaration of Human Rights, now 15 years old, is to have full meaning. And new means should be found for promoting the free expression and trade of ideas–through travel and communication, and through increased exchanges of people, and books, and broadcasts. For as the world renounces the competition of weapons, competition in ideas must flourish–and that competition must be as full and as fair as possible.
The United States delegation will be prepared to suggest to the United Nations initiatives in the pursuit of all the goals. For this is an organization for peace–and peace cannot come without work and without progress.
The peacekeeping record of the United Nations has been a proud one, though its tasks are always formidable. We are fortunate to have the skills of our distinguished Secretary General and the brave efforts of those who have been serving the cause of peace in the Congo, in the Middle East, in Korea and Kashmir, in West New Guinea and Malaysia. But what the United Nations has done in the past is less important than the tasks for the future. We cannot take its peacekeeping machinery for granted. That machinery must be soundly financed-which it cannot be if some members are allowed to prevent it from meeting its obligations by failing to meet their own. The United Nations must be supported by all those who exercise their franchise here. And its operations must be backed to the end.
Too often a project is undertaken in the excitement of a crisis and then it begins to lose its appeal as the problems drag on and the bills pile up. But we must have the steadfastness to see every enterprise through.
It is, for example, most important not to jeopardize the extraordinary United Nations gains in the Congo. The nation which sought this organization’s help only 3 years ago has now asked the United Nations’ presence to remain a little longer. I believe this Assembly should do what is necessary to preserve the gains already made and to protect the new nation in its struggle for progress. Let us complete what we have started. For “No man who puts his hand to the plow and looks back,” as the Scriptures tell us, “No man who puts his hand to the plow and looks back is fit for the Kingdom of God.”
I also hope that the recent initiative of several members in preparing standby peace forces for United Nations call will encourage similar commitments by others. This Nation remains ready to provide logistic and other material support.
Policing, moreover, is not enough without provision for pacific settlement. We should increase the resort to special missions of factfinding and conciliation, make greater use of the International Court of Justice, and accelerate the work of the International Law Commission.
The United Nations cannot survive as a static organization. Its obligations are increasing as well as its size. Its Charter must be changed as well as its customs. The authors of that Charter did not intend that it be frozen in perpetuity. The science of weapons and war has made us all, far more than 18 years ago in San Francisco, one world and one human race, with one common destiny. In such a world, absolute -sovereignty no longer assures us of absolute security. The conventions of peace must pull abreast and then ahead of the inventions of war. The United Nations, building on its successes and learning from its failures, must be developed into a genuine world security system.
But peace does not rest in charters and covenants alone. It lies in the hearts and minds of all people. And if it is east out there, then no act, no pact, no treaty, no organization can hope to preserve it without the support and the wholehearted commitment of all people. So let us not rest all our hopes on parchment and on paper; let us strive to build peace, a desire for peace, a willingness to work for peace, in the hearts and minds of all of our people. I believe that we can. I believe the problems of human destiny are not beyond the reach of human beings.
Two years ago I told this body that the United States had proposed, and was willing to sign, a limited test ban treaty. Today that treaty has been signed. It will not put an end to war. It will not remove basic conflicts. It will not secure freedom for all. But it can be a lever, and Archimedes, in explaining the principles of the lever, was said to have declared to his friends: “Give me a place where I can stand–and I shall move the world.”
My fellow inhabitants of this planet: Let us take our stand here in this Assembly of nations. And let us see if we, in our own time, can move the world to a just and lasting peace.
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Peace Analysis of ‘Removed’ Audio-Visual
The audio-visual removed was in relation to the UN’s purpose which Kennedy says is not dependent on the existence of emergencies. This is relevant to the 2020 Public Health Emergency of International Concern (state of emergency, suspend Constitution). What Kennedy is saying is the UN’s work DOES NOT depend on emergencies. Yet the World Health Organisation has powerful actors like Bill Gates (Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation) and the World Economic Forum long list of corporations (see John Hopkins Coronavirus Simulation, August 2019) which created the conditions for crisis driven government demand for pharmaceutical and biotechnology products suspending Emergency Use Authorisation (EUA) to bypass safety and coerce experimental genetic therapies (DNA altering). It becomes evident from the alleged pandemic that UN is using announced global emergencies (without solid evidence) on the basis of a larger global agenda (NWO) to be implemented.
The next part in the video deleted is about the UN’s real mission world peace. Clearly those who removed this section don’t want peace. Yet peace is in their highest interests whether they know it or not. They have believed peace doesn’t make money and from this incredibly narrow band width, leadership promotes ‘disruption’ to force change and avoid the hardest work, peace. Peace from the perspective of the world’s people is what is wanted as they are the predominant targets of wars (see Seymour Hersh’s post next). Most wars are not between standing armies but impacting the public, the majority of deaths are civilian non-combatants. We know from the Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars Bilderberg document that wars are for depopulation. The belief behind this is we need less population due to implementing AI and automation as a framework for control. That is, people aren’t needed or their energy is now costly. Those caught up in mind control regarding business as reality, are not taught to truly serve people or care what happens to them, or consider the impacts of their decisions, they see people as a tool and it is apparent they don’t respect them. These perceptions are erroneous in reality. The unconscious need for power (taught from father to son) is unquestioned, so they are blind to the truth. This is because they were taught this as children, they were not given the love they needed and likely abused as part of their training to project power. So they won’t get this narrative, unless they really stop the old ideas and just come along side this discussion as a possibility it could be true. I write in this way with peace in mind, as I can see they innocently followed family dogma and didn’t realise the real karma that is attracted when causing harm to others, it returns.
In the missing audio-visual material Kennedy is advocating to not convert our new-found hopes and understandings into new walls and weapons of hostility. That is, not create barriers to peace or invest in weapons. This is what upsets the military-industrial complex as they are industries that dependent on defence contracts. Now again, they are innocent in a business model that teaches them they must provide shareholder value. They must profit from war and this is how warfare, false flags, endless conflict becomes part of a business strategy to make more money. Again, disconnected from the felt experience on the ground of those injured or killed and the trauma of war that lingers. In a sense, they can’t see this, as they live in a different world. They see themselves as superior as the world’s people will work for nothing, they don’t respect their poverty which their father’s and forefather’s engineered through fractional reserve banking and economics. The blind leading the blind. Kennedy was seeking to create a coalition for peace due to mutual assured destruction. He said “…Even little wars are dangerous in a nuclear world. The long labor of peace is an undertaking for every nation–and in this effort none of us can remain unaligned. He was killed because he wanted real peace. That is a threat to those who want power and control at any price.
As a peacemaker myself, educated by global experts, what I see is that, predominantly in the field of conflict resolution, it is largely populated by women. Why? Females have skills with building human relationships and community, as mothers they understand innately emotions, sensing the psychology and communicating in ways that build trust and set boundaries teaching accountability. Men are not taught this by father’s, they are taught to not show emotion, hide their feelings (vulnerability) and be the strong silent type and avoid disclosures. This be prized as a General, but it can’t work if you want to build collaboration, partnerships and real peace. The military approach escalates fear, turns innocent boys into murderers (see Seymour Hersh next blog), costs billions/trillions diverting tax funds away from real need and keeps weapons of mass destruction on hair trigger alert in a arms race where there are no winners. Helen Caldicott (Nuclear activist) saw this masculine paradigm calling her book ‘Missile Envy’ and the competitive postures of men, seeking status and success. She sought to educate the public about the reality of nuclear fallout, sickness and death (as has been seen in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and later Depleted Uranium). She formed the peace movement and had a discussion with former US President Reagan to bring sanity to insanity and bring humanity back from the brink. It seems the men can’t or won’t change, still stuck in a paradigm which today is lining up as an extinction level event. Those in leadership do not want to be seen as wrong as it is somehow a weakness, when it is the greatest strength (honesty) and it is how we grow as for the most part ‘they don’t know what they do’. Or reframed ‘they don’t know they don’t know’. That is the blindness of ignorance. However, when you ‘know you don’t know’ you are more careful as you might be wrong and this opens the mind to possibilities (see more). To not know may well save the world from nuclear/ biological/ technology/ psychological misadventure. Humility, would be a strength if clear seeing is the goal. In a corporate setting a stakeholders, risk Management, investments and partners will see any decision that reduces profits or affects ‘brand image’ as a ‘threat’ just like any theatre of war. So they work out how to remove the perceived threat. So this destructive war mentality continues. This is why wars have not ended. The actors cannot imagine the pain and massive destruction they cause in pursuit of self interest framed as defence when observing remotely from ivory towers of closed groups, not boots on the ground.
Kennedy extends the olive branch to the world of cooperation, new confidence and collaborations for peace, which is not what those invested in war or responsible for moves on the global chessboard of world control want to hear. So Kennedy becomes the enemy in their mind, when he appears to be about rebalancing no win conflict of that which is out of order (chaos). It is an irony the catch cry of high level planners is order out of chaos, the truth is the opposite. It is in chaos by an Order keeping life disrupted to force life into their shape for profitable and power gains of the few over the many. This is done but without the innate ability to see how peaceful actions expand real wealth as felt ‘abundance’ and changes the actors. They literally change in terms of how they see based on inner change. Remember ‘you see as you are not as others are’ but won’t be aware. As they work for the whole not just their narrow part, the world changes returning to balance. I say this with peace in mind, as each and every one of us acts in self interest without consideration of the whole, which only ever comes back to cause disruption/pain/anger/disappointment etc. A wise ruler (wisdom of Solomon) knows that ‘what you do for others returns to the self’ as we are all connected (oneness). Many grapple for the wisdom but like the parable by Jeshua ben Joseph ‘It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God.’ This was not meant to be a insult to the rich man, it was related to consciousness (seeing more). When you are dependent on others, as a wealthy person is, he or she becomes weaker/dependent (others doing for him/her) s/he is not able to access that Kingdom (inner richness) within, as he or she can become unkind, take for granted that which is given, create slaves or surfs (inequality), this impacts his or her ability to access the greatness within. The Arthurian legend of the roundtable was really a metaphor for inner richness held in equality, fairness as the holy grail and the metaphor for pulling excalibur from the rock (truth – between rock and hard place). The unity promised comes from inner unity. This type of leadership is loved because they live the honour as a code amongst equals. Integrity and gratitude in life is the pathway to peace. This is not taught to boys but still violent gaming is seen as the next recruits for the next war. In truth all go home to the same place as we are One.
When you take from others (rorting, fraud, deception, treasures) as a way of life normalised, emptiness becomes the unconscious driver for ‘more‘ or a inner sense of ‘not enough’, that is the real meaning of greed, it is a inner poverty which creates ‘outer poverty’. They are flipsides of the coin. Just can’t feel fulfilled or happy when taking but most don’t see this. Men typically won’t put words to it as they avoid, so they can’t see to learn. So, military colleges keep the same rhetoric of violence repeated, education passes it on, other actors find ways to profit from both sides, and the imbalance is never addressed in light of aware self mastery some call wisdom. Men try to find this in combat ie. ‘warriors’, ‘martial arts’ as ‘honour’ but it alludes them amplifying ‘not enough‘. They don’t find peace or ‘value‘ inside. Until they do they will project it onto others until they destroy life (we are at a critical point in 2026). Peace is not the enemy it is our natural state of being when we unite the opposites not as marketing, but for real.
When this happens, your world will literally change as you see as you are not others. Inner peace is unmistakable as there is no doing, no need to prove anything and no fear. Fear can’t exist when inner resolution has occurred, you make peace with your world and it is like a new world arises. That is what I clearly see. This is not the typically peace narrative, it comes from my experience.
Kennedy was a way shower.